AWID is a global organization.

The main focus of our work is global. We also work closely with members and other women’s rights organizations and allies at the local, national and regional levels so that their realities inform our work.

• We have offices in Mexico and Canada
• Our staff are located in 15 countries around the world
• Ten of our 13 Board members are from the global South.

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Anti-rights actors have had a substantive impact on our human rights framework and the progressive interpretation of human rights standards, especially rights related to gender and sexuality.

When it comes to the impact of conservative actors in international policy spaces, the overall picture today is of stasis and regressions.

We have witnessed the watering down of existing agreements and commitment; deadlock in negotiations; sustained undermining of UN agencies, treaty review bodies and Special Procedures; and success in pushing through regressive language in international human rights documents.

Commission on the Status of Women (CSW)

The CSW, held annually in March, has long been one of the most contested sites in the UN system. In March 2015, conservative efforts set the tone before events or negotiations even began; the outcome document of the Commission was a weak Declaration negotiated before any women’s rights activists even arrived on the ground.

At 2016’s CSW, the new Youth Caucus was infiltrated by large numbers of vocal anti-abortion and anti-SRHR actors, who shouted down progressive youth organizations. Again, intensive negotiations resulted in a lacklustre text, which included regressive language on ‘the family.’

Precisely when addressing women’s human rights is of urgent importance, the CSW has been rendered a depoliticized and weakened space. Using it to advance rights has become harder and harder since progressives’ energy is taken up trying to hold the ground against conservative backlash.

Human Rights Council (HRC)

As the intergovernmental body responsible for the promotion and protection of human rights around the globe, the HRC is a key entry point for conservative actors. In recent years, this mechanism has been the scene for a number of damaging anti-human rights moves.

In conversation with other anti-rights actors, one strategy of conservative states, and blocs of states, is to aggressively negotiate out positive language and to introduce hostile amendments to resolutions, most often resolutions focusing on rights related to gender and sexuality.

To take one example, during the June 2016 session of the HRC, opposition was mounted towards a resolution on discrimination against women by the member states of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and allies. During contentious negotiations, multiple provisions were removed, including women’s and girls’ right to have control over their sexuality, sexual and reproductive health, and reproductive rights; and the need to repeal laws which perpetuate the patriarchal oppression of women and girls in families, and those criminalizing adultery or pardoning marital rape.

The HRC has also been the site of pernicious conservative initiatives to co-opt human rights norms and enact conservative “human rights” language, such as that of the Russia-led “traditional values” resolutions, and more recently the “Protection of the Family” agenda.

Human Rights Committee

In 2015, moving their sights to another front, a number of religious right organizations began to target the Human Rights Committee, the treaty monitoring body for the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), a pivotal human rights instrument.

Anti-human rights groups mobilized in hopes of cementing their anti-abortion rhetoric into the treaty.

When the Committee announced it was drafting a new authoritative interpretation of the right to life, over 30 conservative non-state actors sent in written submissions, advocating their misleading discourse on ‘right to life’ - that life begins at conception and that abortion is a violation of the right - be incorporated in the Committee’s interpretation of article 6.

Conservative groups targeting the Human Rights Committee was a shift considering that historically anti-human rights actors have repeatedly attempted to undermine and invalidate the essential work of the treaty monitoring bodies, including the Human Rights Committee.

SDG negotiations and Agenda 2030

Anti-human rights actors were involved in lobbying towards the development of the new Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015, focusing again on rights relating to gender and sexuality. These efforts had limited traction in their attempts to embed regressive language in Agenda 2030.

However, after successfully pushing back against progressive language in the final text, conservative actors then pivoted to another strategy. In an attempt to evade state accountability and undermine the universality of rights, several states have repeatedly made reservations to the Goals.

On behalf of the African Group, Senegal claimed that African states would only “implement the goals in line with the cultural and religious values of its countries.”

The Holy See also made a number of reservations, stating it was “confident that the related pledge ‘no one will be left behind’ would be read” as meaning “the right to life of the person, from conception until natural death.”

Saudi Arabia went one step further, declaring that the country would not follow any international rules relating to the SDGs that reference sexual orientation or gender identity, describing them as running “counter to Islamic law.”

General Assembly (GA)

Anti-rights actors have made increasing headway at the UN General Assembly (GA).  Most recently, during the 71^st session in 2016, the GA was the scene of feverish anti-rights organizing in opposition to the new mandate created by the Human Rights Council resolution on sexual orientation and gender identity in June 2016: the Independent Expert on SOGI. Four separate attempts were made to undercut the mandate in GA spaces.

One approach was to introduce a hostile resolution at the Third Committee^[1], led by the African Group, which in essence aimed to indefinitely defer the new mandate. While this approach was not successful, such an attempt in the GA to retroactively block the creation of a mandate brought forward by the Human Rights Council represented a new and troubling tactic - anti-right actors are now working to directly undermine the HRC’s authority respective to the General Assembly.

Another approach targeted the Fifth Committee (responsible for administration and budgetary matters) as an entry point to attack the mandate. In an unprecedented move a number of States attempted (again, unsuccessfully) to block the funding of UN human rights experts, including the new IE on SOGI^[2],.

While these multiple efforts were unsuccessful in blocking the creation and continuation of the new mandate, the significant support they received, the novel strategizing employed, and the strong alliances built along regional lines through negotiations point to difficulties ahead.

[1] The Third Committee of the GA deals with agenda items relating to a range of social, humanitarian affairs, and human rights issues.  Each year it discusses and issues resolutions on issues including the advancement of women, the protection of children, family, and youth.

[2] While UN Special Procedures experts (i.e. Special Rapporteurs, Working Group members and Independent Experts) work pro bono, some funds are generally allocated to facilitate country visits on the invitation of the national government, and support staff.

Other Chapters

• Key opposition actors
• Key opposition discourses
• Key opposition strategies and tactics

Read the full report

Other Chapters

• Key opposition actors
• Key opposition discourses
• Key opposition strategies and tactics

Read the full report

Да, доступ к опросу можно получить с помощью смартфона.

Encuentra y crea conexiones. AWID cuenta con más de 9000 afiliadxs, todxs dedicadxs a abordar cuestiones complementarias e interconectadas. En esta diversidad se apoya la sostenibilidad de los movimientos y actorxs feministas.

El Foro Internacional de AWID es una reunión de 2.000 líderes de derechos de las mujeres y activistas de todo el mundo. El Foro AWID es el evento recurrente más grande de su tipo, y cada Foro tiene lugar en un país diferente en el Sur global.

El Foro Internacional de AWID es un evento de la comunidad global y, al mismo tiempo, un espacio para una transformación personal radical. Es un encuentro único: el Foro reúne a los movimientos feministas, por los derechos de las mujeres, por la justicia de género, LBTQI+ y aliados, en toda nuestra diversidad y humanidad, para conectarnos, sanar y florecer.

Únete a nosotrxs en Bangkok, Tailandia, y de manera virtual, en diciembre de 2024.

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AWID en los medios

Compilación de noticias sobre la organización y/o el trabajo de AWID

• Presentan disco con canciones para reír y reivindicar. La Nación, may 2018
• Día Internacional de la Mujer: la realidad de las mujeres latinoamericanas. La opinión digital, mar 2018
• Para fortalecer la resistencia global, hay que dar recursos a lxs jóvenes feministas. Open Global Rights, nov 2017
• Llamado mundial a las mujeres frente a la reunión de la OMC. Bilaterals, nov 2017
• Tejiendo la resistencia a través de la acción: Las estrategias de las Defensoras de Derechos Humanos contra las industrias extractivas. Movimiento 4, sep 2017
• Romani: banca internacional habilita a que se “lave olímpicamente” el dinero del narcotráfico. La diaria, ago 2017
• Global: Nueva guía y reporte sobre acciones de defensoras de derechos humanos ante proyectos extractivos empresariales. Business and human rights resources, ago 2017
• Cumbre sobre el Mundo del Trabajo: Un futuro mejor para las mujeres en el trabajo. Organización Internacional del Trabajo, jun 2017
• “Los Movimientos Importan”, arte visual colectivo en favor de las mujeres. El heraldo de Saltillo, mar 2017
• Violencia de género contra las mujeres en los medios, y la necesidad del activismo cotidiano. IFEX, dic 2016
• Ahora más que nunca. La razón, sep 2016
• Brasil: Cerró ayer la mayor conferencia sobre derechos de las mujeres. Fondo indígena, sep 2016
• Alerta Máxima Feminista ante involución de derechos de las y los migrantes en la 46 ª Conferencia de Población y Desarrollo. Calala, may 2015
• Todas las personas podemos ser defensoras de los Derechos Humanos de las mujeres. ALC noticias, ene 2015

Notas de prensa

Notas de prensa, dosieres y kits

Kits de social media

• Un Tributo a lxs defensorxs de derechos humanos que ya no están con nosotrxs
• Serie de arte visual digital «Los Movimientos Importan»
• Foro de AWID 2016

Contacto para medios

Email de contacto

+1 416 594 3773

Sim, encorajamo-lo a partilhar mais sobre questões importantes para si ao responder à(s) pergunta(s) aberta(s) no final do inquérito.

Solidarité

nous prenons position en solidarité les un·e·s avec les autres ainsi qu’avec différentes luttes en défense de la justice et des libertés. Nous nous efforçons de mobiliser et renforcer l’action collective et de pratiquer des méthodes significatives de collaboration.

La Conférence de Monterrey sur le financement du développement a marqué le début des discussions sur les questions relatives au financement du développement.

• Le Consensus de Monterrey a été adopté lors de cette première conférence internationale sur le financement du développement. Il s’agissait de la première réunion au sommet organisée sous l’égide des Nations Unies à traiter des questions financières fondamentales et des problématiques connexes relatives au développement mondial.
• La conférence et  ses phases préparatoires furent le théâtre d’une coopération sans précédent entre les Nations Unies, la Banque mondiale (BM), le Fonds monétaire international (FMI) et l'Organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC),  montrant une partie des efforts entrepris pour promouvoir une cohérence et  une homogénéité plus importantes au sein des systèmes et institutions  monétaires, commerciaux et financiers internationaux.
• Lors de cette conférence, les débats sur le financement du développement ont, pour la première fois, impliqué les gouvernements, des représentant-e-s de la société civile et le secteur privé. Ces acteurs ont porté les discussions au-delà des aspects « techniques » pour traiter des modalités de mobilisation et de canalisation des ressources financières nécessaires à la mise en œuvre des objectifs de développement internationalement convenus auparavant lors des sommets et conférences des Nations Unies des années 1990. Parmi ces objectifs figurent notamment les objectifs du Millénaire pour le développement (OMD).
• Le Caucus des femmes a non seulement noté le caractère historique de cette conférence et déclaré que celle-ci  pouvait  permettre de relever les défis structurels qui continuaient à ralentir  le développement, mais il a aussi souligné les inquiétudes engendrées par les  conséquences de la militarisation croissante et de la montée des fondamentalismes à l’encontre des femmes, et ceci malgré le fait que le Consensus de Monterrey considérait que le système économique et financier mondial fonctionnait  au profit de toutes et tous.

Pour en savoir plus sur les six axes de Monterrey et sur les mécanismes de suivi de la conférence : Gender Issues and Concerns in Financing for Development (en anglais), par Maria Floro, Nilufer Çagatay, John Willoughby et Korkut Ertürk (INSTRAW, 2004). 

Download the full guide

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Download "Toward a feminist funding ecosystem" (PDF)

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Where we are now	Where we want to be	Current funding by sector
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سيتم جمع المعطيات لأهداف إحصائية لتسليط الضوء على وضع التمويل للحركات النسوية العالمية وسيتم عرضها فقط بشكل إجمالي. لن تنشر AWID المعلومات عن اي منظمة محددة ولن تعرض أي من المعلومات التي ستمكّن من التعرّف على منظمة عن طريق موقعها أو صفاتها دون موافقة المنظمة.