Women Human Rights Defenders
WHRDs are self-identified women and lesbian, bisexual, transgender, queer and intersex (LBTQI) people and others who defend rights and are subject to gender-specific risks and threats due to their human rights work and/or as a direct consequence of their gender identity or sexual orientation.
WHRDs are subject to systematic violence and discrimination due to their identities and unyielding struggles for rights, equality and justice.
The WHRD Program collaborates with international and regional partners as well as the AWID membership to raise awareness about these risks and threats, advocate for feminist and holistic measures of protection and safety, and actively promote a culture of self-care and collective well being in our movements.
Risks and threats targeting WHRDs
WHRDs are exposed to the same types of risks that all other defenders who defend human rights, communities, and the environment face. However, they are also exposed to gender-based violence and gender-specific risks because they challenge existing gender norms within their communities and societies.
By defending rights, WHRDs are at risk of:
- Physical assault and death
- Intimidation and harassment, including in online spaces
- Judicial harassment and criminalization
- Burnout
A collaborative, holistic approach to safety
We work collaboratively with international and regional networks and our membership
- to raise awareness about human rights abuses and violations against WHRDs and the systemic violence and discrimination they experience
- to strengthen protection mechanisms and ensure more effective and timely responses to WHRDs at risk
We work to promote a holistic approach to protection which includes:
- emphasizing the importance of self-care and collective well being, and recognizing that what care and wellbeing mean may differ across cultures
- documenting the violations targeting WHRDs using a feminist intersectional perspective;
- promoting the social recognition and celebration of the work and resilience of WHRDs ; and
- building civic spaces that are conducive to dismantling structural inequalities without restrictions or obstacles
Our Actions
We aim to contribute to a safer world for WHRDs, their families and communities. We believe that action for rights and justice should not put WHRDs at risk; it should be appreciated and celebrated.
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Promoting collaboration and coordination among human rights and women’s rights organizations at the international level to strengthen responses concerning safety and wellbeing of WHRDs.
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Supporting regional networks of WHRDs and their organizations, such as the Mesoamerican Initiative for WHRDs and the WHRD Middle East and North Africa Coalition, in promoting and strengthening collective action for protection - emphasizing the establishment of solidarity and protection networks, the promotion of self-care, and advocacy and mobilization for the safety of WHRDs;
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Increasing the visibility and recognition of WHRDs and their struggles, as well as the risks that they encounter by documenting the attacks that they face, and researching, producing, and disseminating information on their struggles, strategies, and challenges:
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Mobilizing urgent responses of international solidarity for WHRDs at risk through our international and regional networks, and our active membership.
Related Content
Snippet FEA Agroecology And Food (ES)
AGROECOLOGÍA Y SOBERANÍA ALIMENTARIA COMO RESISTENCIA |
Hoy en día, la producción industrial de alimentos a gran escala utiliza plantaciones de monocultivo, organismos genéticamente modificados y otros pesticidas que destruyen la tierra y el conocimiento de las comunidades locales. |
La agroecología es una resistencia a la agricultura hiper-industrializada utilizada por las multinacionales. La agroecología prioriza la agricultura a pequeña escala, los cultivos múltiples y la producción de alimentos diversificados, al tiempo que se centra en el conocimiento y las prácticas tradicionales locales. La agroecología va de la mano con los reclamos de soberanía alimentaria, o el "derecho de los pueblos a alimentos sanos y culturalmente apropiados producidos por métodos ecológicamente racionales y sostenibles, y su derecho a definir sus propios sistemas alimentarios y agrícolas" (Vía Campesina, Declaración de Nyéléni).
El papel de las mujeres, las comunidades indígenas y rurales y las personas racializadas en los países del Sur Global es fundamental para mantener los sistemas alimentarios. Lxs agroecologistxs feministas trabajan para desmantelar los roles de género opresivos y los sistemas patriarcales arraigados en la producción de alimentos. Como lo muestran las heroínas de Nous Sommes la Solution, generan una agroecología liberadora al fortalecer la resiliencia de las comunidades, empoderar a las mujeres campesinas y agricultoras mientras preservan las tradiciones locales, los territorios y los conocimientos de las comunidades productoras de alimentos.
Background
Why this resource?
While active participants on the front lines of protests and uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), women became invisible, absent from processes of formation of the new states, and excluded from decision-making roles, responsibilities, and positions in the aftermath of the uprisings. Except in rare cases, men dominated leadership positions in transitional structures, including the constitutional reform and electoral committees[i]. Subsequent elections brought very few women to parliamentary and ministerial positions.
Additionally, a strong and immediate backlash against women and women’s rights has clearly emerged in the aftermath. The rise of new religious fundamentalist groups with renewed patriarchal agendas aiming to obliterate previous gains of the women’s movements even in countries with longer histories of women’s rights, such as Tunisia, has been very alarming.
The varying contexts of governance and transition processes across the MENA countries presents an important opportunity for women human rights defenders to shape the future of these democracies. However, the lack of prioritization of women’s rights issues in the emerging transitions and the aforementioned backlash have posed a variety of complex challenges for the women’s movements. Faced with these enormous challenges and possibilities, women’s rights activists have been struggling to forge ahead a democratic future inclusive and only possible with women’s rights and equality. The particular historical and contextual legacies that impact women’s movements in each country continue to bear on the current capacities, strategies, and overall preparedness of the women’s movements to take on such a challenge. Burdened with daily human rights violations in one context, with lack of resources and tools in another, with organizational tensions in a third, in addition to the constant attacks on them as activists, women human rights defenders have voiced their desire to be more equipped with knowledge and tools to be effective and proactive in engaging with these fast-changing environments. Conceptual clarity and greater understanding of notions and practices of democratization, transitional justice tools and mechanisms, political governance and participation processes, international and local mechanisms, movement building strategies, constitutional reform possibilities, and secularization of public space and government are important steps to defining future strategic action.
It is clear that feminists and women’s rights activists cannot wait for women’s rights to be addressed after transitions – issues must be addressed as the new power configurations are forming. Experiences of earlier moments of transition, namely from colonial rule, have clearly demonstrated that women’s rights have to be inherently part of the transition movement towards a more just and equal society.

What is included?
This publication represents a research mapping of key resources, publications and materials on transitions to democracy and women’s rights in different countries of the world that have undergone such processes, such as: Indonesia, Chile, South Africa, Nepal, Mexico, Argentina, Poland, Ukraine, as well as within the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). It provides bibliographic information and short summaries of resources which succinctly identify the contextual changes and challenges facing women in those particular transitional moments, as well as clearly delineates the ways in which women’s rights activists sought to confront those challenges and what lessons were learned.
A key criterion in the selection process was the primacy of a women’s rights/feminist perspective; the few exceptions to this rule offer a unique and, we hope, useful, perspective on the issues that women’s rights organizations and activists face in the region. The texts have been selected to provide a wide range of information, relevant to women human rights defenders working from the grassroots to the international level, across issues (including different case studies and examples), from different perspectives (international human rights bodies, academic institutions, NGO contributions, activists’ experiences, etc.), and at a wide range of levels of complexity, in order to respond to the needs of as many readers as possible.
The mapping clusters resources under six major categories:
- Transitions to Democracy
- Political Participation
- Movement Building
- Transitional Justice
- Constitutional/Legal Reform
- Responses to Fundamentalisms
[i]This and other context points are drawn from the report from Pre AWID Forum meeting on Women’s Rights in Transitions to Democracy: Achieving Rights, Resisting Backlash, collaboratively organized by AWID, the Equality Without Reservation Coalition, Global Fund for Women and Women’s Learning Partnership
Snippet WCFM Title Menu (EN)
Isabel Cabanillas de la Torre
Isabel Cabanillas de la Torre était une jeune artiste et activiste féministe très appréciée de Ciudad Juárez, au Mexique. Elle était connue pour ses belles peintures textiles, très expressives. Les yeux faisaient partie des représentations emblématiques de son travail. Ses peintures murales ont métamorphosé les immeubles décrépis et laissés à l’abandon du centre-ville de Ciudad Juárez, ornant leurs façades de messages de vie et de commentaires politiques.
Isabel voulait, à travers son art et son activisme politique, attirer l’attention sur les violences basées sur le genre omniprésentes dans sa ville natale. Elle était bénévole dans le réseau Mesa de Mujeres pour l’Observatoire citoyen sur le genre, qui supervise le travail des juges, procureurs et avocats de la défense dans les affaires de féminicides et autres violations basées sur le genre. Elle était également membre de Hijas de su Maquilera Madre, un collectif féministe dont le nom fait référence aux filles de mères qui travaillent dans les maquiladoras, ou zones de traitement pour l’exportation. Certaines de ces mères ont figuré parmi les premières victimes de féminicide dans la ville.
Le dernier projet d’Isabel, toujours en cours, était une installation artistique pour protester contre une entreprise canadienne qui cherchait à extraire du cuivre dans le désert de Samalayuca.
Le 18 janvier 2020, Isabel a été tuée par balle alors qu’elle rentrait chez elle à vélo dans le centre de Juárez, dansce qui semble avoir été un acte ciblé, son corps ayant été retrouvé à côté de son vélo.
Le meurtre d’Isabel a déclenché une nouvelle vague d’indignation contre les féminicides dans la région, des centaines de personnes ont manifesté jusqu’au pont frontalier entre le Mexique et les États-Unis, le bloquant pendant des heures et scandant « Ni Una Menos » (pas une de plus) alors que des collectifs féministes continuaient de manifester contre les meurtres de femmes dans tout le pays. Au cours de la seule année 2019, 3 142 femmes et filles ont été tuées au Mexique. Un grand nombre ont été spécifiquement ciblées du fait de leur genre.
Elle adorait faire du vélo.
« Le vélo était son symbole de liberté. Il symbolisait le fait d’être libre dans les rues. » - Marisol (une amie d’Isabel)
Snippet FEA Bio fertilizer and Sum-Pack (FR)

Twitter Test
@shalinikonanur sharing a comment by her colleague debbie @salco "we can talk about shattering the glass ceiling, but we have to talk about who are sweeping those broken glasses?" challenging the #G7 to truly see who's vulnerable domestically & globally #W7Canada @kramdas @AWID pic.twitter.com/1rs0SpLYHp
— Tenzin Dolker cyclone (@T_Dolker) 25 de abril de 2018
Fannyann Viola Eddy
WITM - Refreshed INFOGRAPHIC 1 EN
Ever wondered what budgets for feminist organizations look like?
In 2023, feminist and women's rights organizations had a median annual budget of USD 22,000. Behind that median lies disparity and inequality: while a few groups access large-scale resources, the vast majority survive on shoestring budgets.
A closer look at actual budgets reveals major income diversity and inequality.
Mirna Teresa Suazo Martínez
Mirna Teresa Suazo Martínez was part of the Garifuna (Afro-descendent and Indigenous) Masca community, living on the North Caribbean coast of Honduras. She was a community leader and a fervent defender of the Indigenous territory, a land that was violated when the National Agrarian Institute of Honduras gave territorial licenses to people outside of the community.
This deplorable deed resulted in repeated harassment, abuse and violence against the Masca, where economic interests of different groups met those of Honduran armed forces and authorities. According to the Black Fraternal Organization of Honduras (OFRANEH), the strategy of these groups is to evict and exterminate the Indigenous population.
“Masca, the Garifuna community located next to the Cuyamel Valley, is part of the area of influence of one of the supposed model cities, a situation that has triggered territorial pressures along the Garifuna coast.” - OFRANEH, 8 September 2019
Mirna Teresa, president of the Board of Trustees of the Masca Community in Omoa, was also firmly rejecting the construction of two hydroelectric plants on the river that carries the same name as her community, Masca.
“The Garífuna community attributes the worsening of the situation in their region to their opposition to tourist exploitation, the monoculture of African palm and drug trafficking, at the same time that it seeks to build an alternative life through the cultivation of coconut and other products for self-consumption.” - Voces Feministas, 10 September 2019
Mirna Teresa was murdered on 8 September 2019 in her Restaurant “Champa los Gemelos”.
She was one of six Garifuna women defenders murdered between September and October 2019 alone. According to OFRANEH, there was no investigation by the authorities into these crimes.
“In the case of the Garífuna communities, a large part of the homicides are related to land tenure and land management. However, squabbles between organized crime have resulted in murders, such as the recent ones in Santa Rosa de Aguán.” - OFRANEH, 8 September 2019
Snippet FEA Avellaneda, Gran Buenos Aires (EN)
Avellaneda, Gran Buenos Aires, Argentina
Cooperativa Textil Nadia Echazú
WEAVING
LIVES
Funding Ideas
This page provides ideas and inspiration for how you can fund your participation at the 14th AWID International Forum.
As you plan the activity you would like to do at the Forum, please also consider how you will fund your participation. Typical Costs include: accommodation, travel, visa, forum registration fees, etc.
It is important to note that this Forum will have many ‘open spaces’ and moments for movements to learn and exchange, but fewer formal sessions. (See “Ways to describe the Forum in your fundraising” below for language to use in your outreach.)
Work with your current funders:
Reach out to your current donors first : Your best option is always a current funder that you have.
Make sure to do it in advance : We recommend contacting them by early 2020 at the latest. Many funders who support feminist organizations have some budget allocated for Forum travel. Others may be able to include it in renewal grants or through other travel funds.
If your group has funders, tell them that you want to attend the AWID Forum to learn, experience, exchange and network- even if your activity does not get selected for the final program. In order to be able to support your participation, your donors will need to know about it well in advance so tell them right away! (they are already deciding which funds they will distribute in 2020).
Seeking new funders:
If you do not currently have donor support or are not able to secure grants for Forum travel, consider reaching out to new donors.
- You can see ideas of specific funders at AWID’s portal ‘Who can fund my women’s rights organizing?’
- Consider reaching out to national, regional, or global feminist and women’s funds
- Explore funder networks, such as Candid and European Foundation Centres, for lists of funders and opportunities in your region
Deadlines and requirements vary by funder, and a grant review process can take many months. If you’re considering applying for new grants, do so as soon as possible.
Creative inspiration:
Feminist movements have long gotten creative with funding our own activism. Here are some ideas that we have gathered to inspire alternative ways of fundraising:
- Mobilize your community to support participation: fundraise with small contributions from members through community dinners, dance parties, and local shows, events and tours
- Mobilize your networks by organizing giving circles and crowdsourcing using various online tools like gofundme, indiegogo, plumfund, or kickstarter
- Cultivate local sources of income, including from individual donors and membership dues
- Consider co-funding through strategic partnerships with other community and social justice groups.
For more inspiration, see AWID’s ongoing series on autonomous resourcing, including specific ideas for conference raising participation funds.
Access Fund:
AWID strives to make the Forum a truly global gathering with participation from diverse movements, regions and generations. To this end, AWID mobilizes resources for a limited Access Fund (AF) to assist Forum participants with the costs of attending the Forum.
AWID’s Access Fund will provide support to a limited number of Forum participants and session/activity facilitators. You can indicate in your application if you would like to apply to the AWID Access Fund. This is not guaranteed, and we strongly encourage you to seek alternative funding for your participation and travel to the Forum.
Even if you apply for the AWID Access Fund, we encourage you to continue to explore other options to fund your participation in the Forum. Access Fund decisions will be confirmed by the end of June 2020. Please remember that these resources are very limited, and we will be unable to support all applicants.
Ways to describe the Forum in your fundraising:
As you reach out to funders or your own networks, here is some sample messaging that may be helpful. Feel free to adapt it in whatever way is useful for you!
The AWID Forum is a co-created feminist movement space that energizes participants in their own activism, and strengthens connections with others across multiple rights and justice movements. Participants get to draw from wells of hope, energy and radical imagination, as well as deepen shared analysis, learning, and build cross-movement solidarity to develop more integrated agendas and advance joint strategies.
Our organization is seeking funds to attend the Forum in order to connect with other activists and movements from around the world, strengthen our strategies, and share our work. We are inspired by past participants, who have described the power of this global feminist gathering:
“Over four days … voices weaved together into a global perspective on the state of gender equality. And when I say global, I mean simultaneous translation into seven languages kind of global ....”
“It was reminding us that we are not alone. The Forum provided a means of translating collectivity into our movements. Whether across ideologies, identities or borders, our strength is in our vision and our support of one another.”
It is important to note that this Forum will have many ‘open spaces’ and moments for movements to learn and exchange, but fewer formal sessions. While many attendees will not be presenting in formal sessions, there will be invaluable space to learn, strategize, and experience feminist movements’ collective power in action.
Budget considerations:
When calculating your costs and how much you need to raise, it is important to factor in costs that may come up. Here’s an example of key items to consider:
- Airfare
- Forum registration fees (please note that even if you are granted Access Funds by AWID, you will have to cover your registration fee yourself)
- Visa costs
- Travel health insurance
- Local travel to and from the airport (taxis or other transportation)
- Layover costs, such as hotels and meals if your plane travel requires a long layover
- Accommodation, including giving yourself a day to recover on either end if you have traveled far
- Technology, including WiFi access or fees for international communication as needed during travel (AWID will provide WiFi during the Forum)
- Materials costs for any items (visuals, reports, artwork!) you want to bring, share, or exchange at the Forum
- Incidentals and/or per diems to cover food and other items that come up (all lunches and coffee/tea breaks, plus one dinner will be provided by AWID during Forum days)
- Accessibility, such as any additional support that may be important to make your travel more comfortable, safe, and secure
We look forward to seeing you at the Forum!
The Forum is a collaborative process
The AWID Forum will now take place 11-14 January 2021 in Taipei .
It is more than a four-day convening. It is one more stop on a movement strengthening journey around Feminist Realities that has already begun and will continue well beyond the Forum dates.
Ressources en soutien aux mouvements féministes, aux décideur·euse·s et aux allié·e·s pour résister aux tendances antidroits.
Dolorosa Mubvumbi
Snippet - COP30 Intro - ES
Súmate al movimiento feminista abocado a recuperar la acción por el clima del control corporativo
Con 1773 cabilderos de los combustibles fósiles presentes en la COP29 del año pasado, nos dirigimos, junto con otres feministas a Belém (Brasil) del 10 al 21 de noviembre de 2025. Allí continuaremos denunciando las soluciones falsas, llamando la atención sobre la captura corporativa, y exigiendo que los Estados cumplan sus compromisos bajo las Responsabilidades Comunes pero Diferenciadas y las Capacidades Respectivas (en inglés) para impulsar las alternativas económicas feministas.
USD 2,7 billones para gasto militar. USD 300.000 millones para la justicia climática. Estamos aquí para dar vuelta el relato.
Barbara Allimadi
Barbara Allimadi fue una activista política y defensora de los derechos humanos de Uganda. En 2012, co-organizó una protesta contra la agresión policial a Ingrid Turinawe, una figura política de la oposición, que fue televisada y muestra cómo un policía le aprieta el pecho. Durante la protesta, Barbara, junto con otras compañeras activistas, se quitaron la ropa hasta quedarse en sujetador frente a la Estación Central de Policía de Kampala. Este hecho pasó a conocerse en Uganda como la infame "protesta de los sujetadores".
"Nos decidimos por la protesta de los sujetadores. Pensamos que sería lo más apropiado para lo que había sucedido. Con esta acción, no es que estuviésemos diciendo que no nos respetásemos a nosotras mismas. Estábamos indignadas con lo que había sucedido." - Barbara Allimadi, 2013 (Daily Monitor, en inglés)
Barbara se licenció en Ingeniería Electrónica y de Comunicaciones en la Universidad Metropolitana de Londres, y ejerció como ingeniera de redes en el Reino Unido. Era,además, una fan entusiasta de la música reggae. Regresó a Uganda en 2007, cuando su madre falleció.
En 2019, fue nombrada Coordinadora de Asuntos Internacionales y de la Diáspora de la Alianza para la Transformación Nacional (ANT, por sus siglas en inglés), un partido político lanzado ese año por un líder de la oposición.
"Queremos garantizar la seguridad de la vida y la propiedad, no el dolor, las lesiones o incluso la muerte a manos de unas fuerzas de seguridad que se supone deberían protegernos. Y lo más importante, queremos un entorno estable y propicio donde podamos realizar nuestros sueños y aspiraciones". - Barbara Allimadi, video de ANT (en inglés)
Barbara falleció el 27 de abril de 2020.
Tributos:
"Estaba muy orgullosa de mi hermana por muchas razones, pero, en particular, por su intrépida búsqueda de la paz, la democracia, la justicia y la igualdad en Uganda. En los momentos más álgidos de su activismo, Barbara lideró muchas marchas por las calles de Kampala, hacia las comisarías de policía y el Parlamento". - Doris Allimadi, hermana de Barbara
"Nos enteramos con profunda tristeza del prematuro fallecimiento de Barbara Allimadi. Ella ha sido una fuerza valiente, implacable y valerosa para el movimiento de liberación de Uganda. Queremos dar nuestro más sentido pésame a su familia. La echaremos mucho de menos". - Akina Mama wa Afrika (tweet, 28 April 2020)
"El fallecimiento de Barbara es una noticia muy triste para nosotrxs y para toda su familia. Barbara dedicó su vida a luchar por la justicia, la libertad y los derechos de las personas desde la sociedad civil, hasta que se unió, recientemente, al partido." Maj Gen Mugisha Muntu, coordinador nacional de la ANT (por sus siglas en inglés)
"Una hermana hermosa, encantadora, divertida, carismática e inspiradora. Mis hijxs han perdido a su tía. Uganda ha perdido a una audaz y valiente defensora de la libertad. Barbara dijo una vez: "Mientras siga habiendo aliento en ti, sigue trabajando por conseguir tus sueños". - Doris Allimadi, hermana de Barbara.
Snippet FEA trans and travesti people in Argentina (ES)

Solo el 18% de las personas trans y travestis en Argentina acceden a un trabajo formal
¿Por qué AWID eligió Taipéi como sede del Foro?
AWID dedicó casi dos años al trabajo de identificar una sede para el Foro en la región Asia-Pacífico (la ubicación del Foro rota entre las distintas regiones).
Sobre la base de una investigación documental inicial y de consultas con aliadxs (que nos llevaron a eliminar muchas otras opciones de la región), organizamos una serie de visitas exhaustivas a Nepal, Malasia, Sri Lanka, Tailandia, Indonesia y, más tarde, Taiwán.
Cada visita incluyó, no solo la evaluación de la infraestructura logística, sino también encuentros con grupos y activistas feministas locales para entender mejor el contexto y conocer su percepción de las oportunidades y los riesgos potenciales de organizar un Foro de AWID en sus contextos.
En nuestras visitas encontramos movimientos feministas locales impresionantemente vibrantes y diversos.
Estos movimientos expresaron, en varias ocasiones, sentimientos encontrados respecto de las oportunidades y los riesgos que podría acarrearles la visibilidad de un evento como el Foro. En una de las visitas, durante los primeros treinta minutos de la reunión, escuchamos a lxs activistas presentes decir, en forma unánime, que un Foro de AWID sufriría una enorme reacción, que los derechos LGBTQ son un asunto particularmente candente, y que los grupos fundamentalistas aparecerían con toda su fuerza a interrumpir el evento.
Cuando respondimos, «De acuerdo, entonces ustedes no creen que sea una buena idea», nuevamente la respuesta unánime fue «Por supuesto que es una buena idea, ¡queremos cambiar la narrativa!». En algunos de estos lugares nos resultó difícil oír y ver que muchxs activistas feministas querían aprovechar la oportunidad de un evento grande y visible, y que estaban preparadxs a enfrentar los riesgos locales; pero nuestras consideraciones, como anfitrionxs de casi dos mil personas de todo el mundo, nos imponen un cálculo distinto del riesgo y la factibilidad.
También tuvimos que analizar qué significa organizar un foro feminista que a sea coherente con los principios de inclusión, reciprocidad y autodeterminación, en aquellos casos en que la política y la práctica de Estado son, en general, contrarias a estos principios (aunque lxs funcionarixs de los ministerios de turismo hayan trabajado arduamente para atenuar estas características).
Sopesamos las consideraciones de infraestructura con la oportunidad potencial de impulsar algunas agendas feministas a nivel nacional, y el contexto político nacional.
En muchos de estos lugares, monitorear el contexto nos resultó un ejercicio pendular: de un momento abierto y seguro para los debates feministas podíamos pasar a otro de brutal represión y xenofobia, capaz de sacrificar las prioridades feministas como piezas de negociación política para tranquilizar a las fuerzas antiderechos del ala derechista.
El proceso ha sido una reflexión aleccionadora sobre el contexto increíblemente complicado para el activismo por los derechos de las mujeres y la justicia de género en todo el mundo.
Nuestras dificultades en la región Asia-Pacífico nos llevaron a preguntarnos si no sería más fácil mover el Foro a una región distinta. Sin embargo, hoy en día no podríamos organizar un Foro de AWID en Estambul como lo hicimos en 2012, ni podríamos hacerlo en Brasil como lo hicimos en 2016.
Teniendo en cuenta toda esta complejidad, AWID seleccionó Taipéi como ubicación para el Foro porque:
- ofrece un cierto grado de estabilidad y seguridad para la diversidad de participantes que convocamos al Foro;
- tiene también un alto nivel de capacidad logística, y resulta accesible para muchxs viajerxs (con la facilitación de un trámite de visa electrónico para conferencias internacionales); y
- el Foro es bien recibido por el movimiento feminista local, que está muy interesado en interactuar con feministas de todo el mundo.
Al organizar el Foro de AWID, estamos tratando de construir y sostener, de la mejor manera posible, un espacio para las diversas expresiones de solidaridad, indignación, esperanza e inspiración que son el núcleo de los movimientos feministas.
En este momento, creemos que Taipéi es la sede, dentro de la región Asia-Pacífico, que mejor nos permitirá construir ese espacio seguro y rebelde para nuestra comunidad feminista global.
De hecho, en el mundo contemporáneo no existe una ubicación ideal para un Foro centrado en las Realidades Feministas. Donde sea que vayamos, ¡debemos construir ese espacio juntxs!
